What is below is direct from the PNAC report from 2000. Note the fact below that one of their goals is to control "cyberspace."
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Any serious effort at transformation must occur within the larger framework of U.S. national security strategy, military missions and defense budgets. The United States cannot simply declare a “strategic pause” while experimenting with new technologies and operational concepts. Nor can it choose to pursue a transformation strategy that would decouple American and allied interests. A transformation strategy that solely pursued capabilities for projecting force from the United States, for example, and sacrificed forward basing and presence, would be at odds with larger American policy goals and would trouble American allies.
Further, the process of transformation, even if it brings revolutionary change, is likely to be a long one, absent some catastrophic and catalyzing event – like a new Pearl Harbor. Domestic politics and industrial policy will shape the pace and content of transformation as much as the requirements of current missions. A decision to suspend or terminate aircraft carrier production, as recommended by this report and as justified by the clear direction of military technology, will cause great upheaval. Likewise, systems entering production today – the F-22 fighter, for example – will be in service inventories for decades to come. Wise management of this process will consist in large measure of figuring out the right moments to halt production of current-paradigm weapons and shift to radically new designs. The expense associated with some programs can make them roadblocks to the larger process of transformation – the Joint Strike Fighterprogram, at a total of approximately $200 billion, seems an unwise investment. Thus, this report advocates a two-stage process of change – transition and transformation – over the coming decades.
In general, to maintain American military preeminence that is consistent with the requirements of a strategy of American global leadership, tomorrow’s U.S. armed forces must meet three new missions:
1. Global missile defenses. A network
against limited strikes, capable of
protecting the United States, its allies
and forward-deployed forces, must be
constructed. This must be a layered
system of land, sea, air and spacebased
components.
2. Control of space and cyberspace.
Much as control of the high seas – and
the protection of international
commerce – defined global powers in
the past, so will control of the new
“international commons” be a key to
world power in the future. An
America incapable of protecting its
interests or that of its allies in space
or the “infosphere” will find it
difficult to exert global political
leadership.
3. Pursuing a two-stage strategy for of
transforming conventional forces. In
exploiting the “revolution in military
affairs,” the Pentagon must be driven
by the enduring missions for U.S.
forces. This process will have two
stages: transition, featuring a mix of
current and new systems; and true
transformation, featuring new
systems, organizations and
operational concepts. This process
must take a competitive approach,
with services and joint-service
operations competing for new roles
and missions. Any successful process
of transformation must be linked to
the services, which are the institutions
within the Defense Department with
the ability and the responsibility for
linking budgets and resources to
specific missions.
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Read the bolded section below and you will find that according to these PNAC guys (or as you can see from my previous post the Bush Administration) that the feeling was Iraq only had the potential capability to strike abroad...not on US soil. In sharp contradiction to the story they would sell us later on...that Iraq was a heavily armed WMD power house that could hit us at any moment.
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Missile Defenses
Ever since the Persian Gulf War of
1991, when an Iraqi Scud missile hit a Saudi
warehouse in which American soldiers were
sleeping, causing the largest single number
of casualties in the war; when Israeli and
Saudi citizens donned gas masks in nightly
terror of Scud attacks; and when the great
“Scud Hunt” proved to be an elusive game
that absorbed a huge proportion of U.S.
aircraft, the value of the ballistic missile has
been clear to America’s adversaries. When
their missiles are tipped with warheads
carrying nuclear, biological, or chemical
weapons, even weak regional powers have a
credible deterrent, regardless of the balance
of conventional forces. That is why,
according to the CIA, a number of regimes
deeply hostile to America – North Korea,
Iraq, Iran, Libya and Syria – “already have
or are developing ballistic missiles” that
could threaten U.S allies and forces abroad.
And one, North Korea, is on the verge of
deploying missiles that can hit the American
homeland. Such capabilities pose a grave
challenge to the American peace and the
military power that preserves that peace.
